Hundreds of mourners flocked to the venerable Val de Grace church in Paris on Thursday to pay their last respects to Jean-Marie Le Pen, the architect of France’s modern far-right movement who was known for his racist and anti-Semitic statements.
A speaker at the Mass praised Mr. Le Pen, saying that he “realized, before all others, the dangers threatening France today.” One choir sang a French military song asking God for “zeal for combat.” The crowd repeated the words of Joan of Arc’s prayer, with her plea that “the people of France will always remain a Christian people.”
But since Le Pen’s death on January 7 at the age of 96, the question of how much respect he deserves upon his death has ignited a heated debate in France, given Le Pen’s long history of troubling comments, his dismissal of the horrors of the Holocaust, and his assertion that Germany’s occupation of France was not… “Particularly inhumane.”
Questions about his legacy reflect broader unresolved tensions over the party Le Pen co-founded in 1972, the National Rally. In recent years the party has moved from the fringes to the center of French politics and currently holds the largest number of seats in the National Assembly.
But despite their recent success, National Rally leaders regularly complain that they are still stuck “denied”respect“From their fellow legislators, they are excluded from policy discussions and overlooked for leadership positions.
Their peers can be frank. in TV interview earlier this weekFrançois Ribsamin, Minister of Regional Planning and the leftist in the current center-right government, declared, “I respect all political forces, except for the National Rally Party.”
Earning respect has been high on the national assembly agenda in recent years. Mr. Le Pen’s daughter, Marine Le Pen, took over the party’s leadership in 2011, and ousted Mr. Le Pen in 2015. Three years later, the party changed its name (originally called the National Front) as part of an attempt to soften its image, move away from her father and appeal to a broader base.
The moves have helped. Millions of voters were attracted to her anti-immigrant stances, law-and-order policies, and populist economics. Her supporters hope that Le Pen or her protégé, 29-year-old Jordan Bardella, will eventually win the presidency.
But some memories are long. On the night of Le Pen’s death, French television stations showed a crowd of people in Place de la République in Paris, smiling and popping champagne bottles. Similar street parties broke out in Lyon, Marseille and elsewhere.
One sign held by a protester declared: “The dirty racist is dead.” “What a beautiful day.”
Members of the current center-right government criticized the scenes of revelers.
Conservative Interior Minister Bruno Ritello said: “Nothing, absolutely nothing, justifies dancing on a corpse.” Posted on social media.
Mr. Le Pen’s death comes amid massive political unrest in France. The economy is slowing, public debt is growing, and the National Assembly, the powerful lower house of the legislature, is paralyzed by a three-way split between left, center and hard right.
Last month, the government of former center-right Prime Minister Michel Barnier fell after just three months, as members of the House of Representatives, unable to agree on a budget, punished Barnier for trying to impose a budget. The National Rally joined the left in bringing down Mr Barnier’s government through a vote of no confidence. It was disrespectful One big reason They did it.
Barnier’s centrist alternative, François Bayrou, can barely withstand a government that could overthrow any day.
The National Rally did not say what its next step was. But if members decide to vote against the government again, it could be fatal to Mr. Bairro’s hopes of remaining in office.
Holding a public mass for their old, xenophobic boss might hurt the party in the short term. But Jean-Yves Camus, an expert on the far-right at the Jean Jaurès Foundation, said the party had “no choice but to organize a public tribute,” given Mr. Le Pen’s stature and history with the movement. “In a way, the party is a prisoner of its history.”
Georgios Samaras, associate professor of public policy at King’s College London, said the party would now be able to promote its “newer, more moderate brand without constant reminders of Jean-Marie’s extremist positions.”
The service focused on Le Pen’s love for France, and the fighting spirit he brought to politics and war itself, having served in the French army in Indochina and Algeria.
Krzysztof Kowalczyk, the military priest who oversaw the ceremony, said: “Yes, Monsieur Le Pen, you were strong-headed, and your reputation was bad, but you had the spirit of a knight, a soldier in the service of France.” On the words of an old military song.
After the mass, the mourners left the church and the square in front of it. They moved to the narrow Rue Saint-Jacques, where they were able to enter the service and shake hands with friends.
A multi-story college dorm loomed above them. From the windows came a familiar battle cry from the European left:You are all anti-fascists!“—We are all anti-fascists.
